Sentani: cattle farm (Bali cattle); Wamena: hotel, pasar (market), Simapup, hydropower station. Ilaga: sewing classes. Nabire: children of Ilaga. Many Papuans (always 'ready to be filmed'). Hotel: 800 million RP. Pasar: covered market with a lot of vegetables and [lobster]. Hydropower station: men working. Sewing class: women and men. End: intestines hanging to dry.

Description: The death of a person in the Baliem initiates a series of rites lasting over a number of days, months and indeed, years. This film (part I of two films on the subject) deals mainly with the immediate rites associated with death. The rites are concerned with the disposal of the corpse and placating the ghost. Funeral Rites II (Camps 31, part I) is concerned with divining the cause of death and the later killing of pigs as an obligation of the dead person's ami. Funeral Rites I is divided into 2 parts: the first and the second day's activities. The funeral rites depicted in this film are for Keamente, daughter of Alokobale and wife of Watnom. Keamente was approximately aged 16 years at the time of her death. The pyre for Wusage, an old woman who died in Saliama. The rites ugulin of smearing mud over the body as a sign of grief and mourning for one who had died. The guests are shown entering the uma at Yiwika to take part in the rites for Keamente. On the first day the guests will arrive in small groups and ritual mourning will follow the greetings with those who come. A group of women guests are shown sitting before the ebeai, weeping and chanting for the dead girl. This is termed le agiogei or "they are weeping". The usual killing of pigs and cutting up of pigs occurs at this point, but is not shown here. (See: Ima Wusan I, Camps 9). The cutting off of the ears and tails is shown for some of the pigs killed for this feast. The intestines are cleaned and later eaten by the people, who are shown sitting about the silimo. Ompailekhe, the mother of Keamente is shown with leaves on her head as a protection from the hot sun and another woman is shown with her suckling child. They are waiting and watching the preparation of the steam pits which is occurring at this time. (See: Wen Hagasin, Camps 2 and Ima Wusan I, Camps 9, for the description of pit preparation). Leaves from the roof of one house will also be cooked and later eaten. Throughout the whole day guests will arrive continuously. They will be greeted in turn and the ritual mourning and chanting, le i-ja, will occur. The le i-ja is always about the person who had died. Irenkek is shown engaged in this characteristic mourning activity. Ai and Watnom, the dead girl's husband, are also shown. Watnom along with 16 other persons will change their names because of the death of Keamente. A group, to include Kula, from another clan, is seen bringing exchange stones, the je to be given over to the clan of Keamente. Others will be given in return to this group. In the meantime the pit contents have been emptied and Maitmo, Kurelu (both very important chiefs) and Phelentogo go about cutting the pigs to be distributed. They use the traditional wimukul (bamboo knife) for this purpose. The food is then consumed, the pigs, the sweet potatoes and the sweet potato leaves. After the food has been eaten, the men bring the ceremonial exchange items from the pelai. Included in this group of items are su aga, je stones and jerak. These are laid out, one on another and together is called je talek. Kurelu, the biggest local chief, is seen viewing the gifts and expressing pleasure by calling out the name of the dead girl followed by "wa, wa, wa", the normal expression used to indicate great pleasure. This acknowledges the acceptance of these gifts which are then handed out to the necessary groups. Up to 50 jerak were then brought from the pelai and laid out on banana leaves. Each was brought as a gift and each person who brought a jerak will be given one in return. This function is performed here by Ilagabek. The women Kanenage and Japhilikhe are shown bringing jerak. The name of the giver is shouted as it is handed over to Ilagabek. A great deal of discussion occurs over who is to get which jerak in return. (See: Je Talin, Camps 5, for a description of the je-stones and their use.) This activity or jerak sumpusin finished, the wood for the haly pelago or funeral pyre is then arranged. It is a soft scrub wood taken from the river or mountains. The isauk is brought out which is later shot with an arrow and run from the silimo to lead the way out for the dead girl's ghost. Some older men also shout the name of the enemy of place where the ghost should go. The pyre is built and the he warek or corpse is taken from the hunila where it has been kept and prepared with grease. The whole of the silimo erupts in mourning sounds and a number of people react. The girl's ami, Imakare, would himself be burned with her. A woman beats on her own head with a stick. The silimo seems in a state of confusion. The corpse, dressed in jokal and su, is placed on the fire and covered with more wood. The isauk is run of the compound. Mourning in the form of crying, chanting, holding heads in hands and nervous movements accompany the burning of the warek. The first day's filming comes to an end. Later people sit around in the hunila waiting for sounds of her returning ghost. On the second day, the ashes and bones of Keamente are disposed off and nets brought as gifts will be exchanged by the women. The mutilation of fingers and ears is much in evidence. Imakare has cut off a finger as a sign of grief, ingki palin. Mepmuluk is shown with a piece of his ear cut off, asuk palin. The oak-oba of Keamente is shown in close-ups. This is later gathered using a banana stem and taken to the inoak natogolekma. As stated above, on this day the nets brought as gifts will be exchanged by the women. Tantuge, the younger sister of Alokobale and thus a relative will do this, termed su sumpusin. All who brought a net will receive a net in return. The men are not involved in the su sumpusin but are seen looking on and busy with preparations of the su walon for the third day's activity. Pakhalik is seen walking past the su sumpusin with no apparent interest in the affairs of the women. Losikhe and Imakhe are shown with ears mutilated as signs of grief for Keamente. Part I ends at this point but the rites continue on Funeral Rites II, Camps 31, part I. This involves the divination of rats to determine the cause of death of Keamente. Later, perhaps after two months, pigs will be killed by the ami of the dead girl as part of their obligation to her. This is also shown in Funeral Rites II. Persons: 1) Wusage, 2) Jalel, 3) Ompailekhe, 4) Irenkek, 5) Watnom, 6) Maitmo, 7) Kurelu, 8) Ilagabek, 9) Kanenage, 10) Alokobale, 11) Japhilikhe, 12) Keamente (corpse), 13) Imakare, 14) Mepmuluk, 15) Tantuge, 16) Losikhe, 17) Imakhe, 18) Ai, 19) Kula, 20) Phelentogo. Terminology: 1) haly pelago: name given the funeral pyre 2) he warek: woman's corpse (i.e. Keamente) 3) uma: village or compound 4) mokat ai: uma entrance 5) ebeai: woman's house 6) pelai: man's house 7) hunila: cook house 8) silimo: compound courtyard 9) le i-ja: mourning chants and singing 10) wimukul: bamboo knife 11) hymperi: general term for sweet potato 12) eka: leaf 13) je: wusa stones, exchange stones 14) su ago: nets exchanged during funeral rites 15) jerak: ceremonial shell bands 16) isauk: ceremonial grass bundle 17) ami: term for matrilineal uncle or other person in special relationship to deceased woman 18) jokal: woman's skirt 19) oak-oba: ashes and bones remaining after firing 20) inoak natogolekma: place where remains are kept 21) su walon: net symbolizing dead person This description was prepared by Larry L. Naylor, Southern Illinois University in collaboration with J.A.E. Camps ofm and using local informants. Informants for this film: Kirilmo and Holik.

1- Big pig's feast in Yiwika (part 3): Rows of bearers with tanned hides. Hundreds of Papuans. A hide is being cut to ribbons to be shown and distributed. 2- The bride Milige and her brother Holik. A group, handsomely dressed up, walks on the path, running now and then. Group runs to and fro (dance?). Little huts are being built. 3- Back to Wamena. Group walks, some are dancing. Village. River.

Big pig's feast in Yiwika (part 2). Man bundles rotan. Cutting up of roasted pig, distribution of chunks of meat using little sticks. Butchering of pigs for the 'Wam Oat' feast: Pigs are shot with arrows and dash away, or are being kept down. The dead pigs are being blessed. Nets are put on their backs, ears and tails cut off. Men and women running to and fro. Massive dancing around hides on the ground. Tanned hides are being brought along on stretchers and put down in long rows.

Carrying nets are laid out in a long row. On them, oblong decorated stones, the je stones, are laid. Over the nets and stones, jetak bands (bands with kauri shells) are laid. These are then inspected and redistributed. In Baliem jetak bands are "the goods distributed at weddings, memorials, pig festivals and so on, along with je stones, pigs and carrying nets" (Schneckenreich and Federsschön. Volkenkundemuseum der Archiv- und Museumstiftung Wuppertal, Museumstexte Nr. 5, page 35). The gift is assembled and examined. There is an assesment of whether the gift is large enough and good enough to serve its aim, such as a dowry or compensation for the death of a member of another tribe. Nets, je stones and jetak bands have capital value in Baliem.

Description: Iluge wulasuogeluk or primitive salt mining is roughly divided into 3 parts: the trip to the well area, the gathering of salt water, and the processing of the salt into cakes. The salt well is located near Yiwika and is known as Iluakaima. Iluakaima represents one of a very few such places in the Baliem Valley. Iluakaima is located about one hour's walk from Yiwika up a mountain path stepped with rocks worn smooth by generations of use. In earlier times the salt well provided the necessary salt to the Baliem people and provided a valuable trade item as well. The value of native salt is declining with the decrease in this trade due to the availability of salt from the missions and stores. The film begins by showing a number of women going to the salt well, using the path from the valley floor. They climb the path referred to as Holak kikha in about 45 minutes to an hour. On their heads the women carry the wangki or banana stem and leaves which will be used to gather salty water. Going to Iluakaima is not uneventful for the way is spotted with places which have significance in the traditional beliefs. These places are known as wusama, which comes from wusa, indicating it has supernatural power and where je are kept, a stone called awili, which women will prevent her from becoming pregnant (can also protect men), phiakne elo or origin hole of the warm wind and helekit wamoat, which is said to be a pig turned to stone in former times. This portion of the film also depicts the usual method for obtaining a drink of water from a cold mountain stream. The second section of the film deals with the usual activity seen at the salt well or pool. First people are seen coming into the well area where others are already working. The well itself, a salt pool of underground source, measures perhaps up to 4 meters in diameter and up to one half meter in depth. Upon arriving at the pool, the women (or men) go about preparing the banana stem for use in gathering the salt water. The outer bark of the wangki is stripped off using a small wooden stick called a pelel. The remainder of the stem is then beaten into a pulp, isiken, which is flatten and used to absorb the salt water. This, along with leaves and other greens such as kilimi, will be soaked in the pool until saturated with the salt brine. These will be chewed on and repeatedly rung by hand until they absorb the maximum amount of water. Throughout the work, salt soaked greens such as iluge eken, will be eaten and salt water consumed. As the people leave the well, it will be noted they carry the salt laden burden of banana stems as well as carry the salt water home in the ijoak. The concluding portion of the film begins in the compound of Kurelu, the local big man, and moves to Sagatnokhoma, a place where the final processing of the salt will take place. Sagatnokhoma is a smooth rocky area not far from Yiwika. The salt laden strands are first dried on the roof of the hunila for 2 or 3 days. Iluge puk or the dry strands are then taken to Sagatnokhoma. The man filmed processing the salt is a Yali man, named Omolok, from a tribe other than Baliem who also utilize the salt source through agreement with Kurelu. The process is the same, however. The first step in the final process is the burning of the stem strands into a fine ash. The complete burning is assured by providing holes (telok hiliago) around the base of the iluge werasin, which permit needed oxygen to the combustion process. This fine ash, iluge al, is then taken in small amounts, to which is added a little water, and kneaded into cakes until all the ash is thus turned into salt cakes, ilugeken. Haki eka or a specially prepared banana leaf is used to wrap the finish product. The cake will eventually dry into a hard block which is flaked as salt is desired. Care is taken that not a single ounce of the precious material is lost. Salt is used on sweet potato leaves and other greens. In former times salt was a valuable trade item because of its limited availability in the Baliem Valley. Today trade salt is rapidly reducing the value of native salt as a trade item. Persons (in order of appearance): 1) Dabuk, 2) Kurelu, 3) Omolok (a Yali man), 4) Assorted men and women unknown. Terminology: 1) wangki: banana stem used for salt gathering 2) wusama: wusa place or sacred place 3) je: wusa stone 4) awili: touch stone for women on way to well 5) helekit wamoat: place where a pig was killed and became a stone 6) phiakne elo: origin hole of warm wind 7) pelel: wood stick used to dibark banana stem and pound it to strands which are later paddled into flat strips (= isiken) 8) kilimi: leaves used to gather salt water 9) ijoak: water gourds 10) iluge puk: strands of leaves and dried bark 11) hunila: cook house 12) jaga: stone adze - acculturated 13) Sagatnokhoma: place for making salt blocks, also village place name. 14) iluge werasin: firing of brine soaked strands 15) telok hiliago: he is making holes for oxygen 16) iluge eken: salt cakes 17) helo wasin: binding of the salt cakes 18) haki eka: leaf wrap for salt This description was prepared by Larry N. Naylor, Southern Illinois University, in collaboration with J.A.E. Camps ofm, and using local informants. The chief informants for this film were: Kirilmo, Uwo and Hanoma.

Description: The first portion of the film depicts the steps involved in gardening from beginning through actual harvest of the garden fruit. The sequence begins with Logarek clearing the field of grass in the traditional way using only his hands, and in the acculturated manner of today, using the machete. The site of this activity is known as Akunmo. This grass is then piled up and burned by Weneke, assisted by her husband and children. The soil is broken by Aikron using the alo sege into large clumps of earth which are farther broken into finer particles by the women. This finer soil is then fashioned into small mounds into which will be planted the sweet potatoes leaves (hymperi eka), and vine. Two plants are usually placed in the ground as an insurance measure. A rest from work is usual, during which cigarettes are made and smoked. Pictured in the film is Kemugu preparing tobacco (hanom) for smoking. She first shapes a leaf into which she flakes tobacco from her roll with the thumbnail. Kemugu then folds her cigarette, place it into a hanom oak, and lights it to smoke. The next step in garden preparation depicted actually occurs prior to the planting and involves clearing the irrigation ditches. Kula is shown doing this activity which involves throwing the clumps of moist earth into the actual garden. This process provides the only fertilization added to the gardens. The tool used by Kula is the wen sege. The breaking up of the soil into finer particles is then shown again. After the garden has been planted, the women visit to weed and thin out the vines. The flowering stage of the plant occurs before the actual formation of the tuber. When the tubers are ready, they are dug out of the mounds, using the hymperi sege and the small hair roots are removed. Ompailek is shown filling her su with potatoes, the normal daily activity of women, which she will take to wash and scrape clean. A local grass called kilimi is eaten raw by the people. The first portion of the film is concluded with shots of some things grown by the people: hymperi (sweet potato), hanom (local tobacco), soa (a stem vegetable) and ham (taro). A mountain garden known as Jabula is shown in the distance for comparison to the valley floor gardens covered in the bulk of the film. People returning to the compounds following the day's work are also shown. The second division of the film deals with the actual preparation of food in the villages (uma). The film for this portion was taken in the uma known as Salkagook and Bukhigin. Shown in Salkagook, the uma of Hibingka, is Akubaga who is putting jeleakap into the bakte (steam pit), in which the hymperi is to steamed. Hymperi is prepared also by baking directly in the fire, but that is not shown here. Following the jeleakap, a layer of leaves (oika) is put into the pit. The steam pit is now filled with rocks (helinkit), which have been heated on the kit pelago. The rocks are carried to the pit using a partially split pole known as the hiliba. When the pit has been lined with the hot rocks, the potatoes are placed in the pit by the women, each having her own place. The importance of this placement is emphasized by a fight scene between Haloke and Salohe, both wives of Hibinka, over the issue. Hibinka later beat one of the women for this incident with a stick. The bakte is then closed after water has been sprinkled over the contents and bound with jawaga. The steaming usually takes about an hour, dependent on the pit contents. In Lukhigin a pit is opened and the contents distributed. Wam or pig has been cooked in this particular case, along with hymperi and leaves. Wam is taken into the pelai for the important men, and the food is then consumed by people sitting around the uma. Persons (in order of appearance): 1) Logarek, 2) Weneke, 3) Ompailek, 4) Kemugu, 5) Kula, 6) Akubaga, 7) Kolake and Salohe, 8) Hibinka. Terminology: 1) alo sege: tool used by men for breaking soil 2) ai sege: tool used by women for garden work. 3) hanom: native tobacco 4) hanom oak: reed cigarette holder 5) wen waganin: term for large garden irrigation ditch 6) wen sege: paddle shaped tool used by men working in irrigation ditches 7) hymperi: general term for sweet potatoes 8) hymperi sege: woman's tool for digging up sweet potatoes 9) su: woman's carrying net 10) kilimi: name of grass eaten raw 11) soa and hom: varieties of vegetables 12) bakte: name of steam pit for cooking food 13) jeleakap: grass used in pits 14) oika: leaves used in pits 15) kit pelago: name of place to heat stones 16) helinkit: stones used in pit 17) hiliba: poles used to carry rocks to pits 18) wam: general term for pig 19) jawaga: vine binding used to close steam pits 20) pelai: man's house 21) uma: term for compounds This description was prepared by Larry L. Naylor, Southern Illinois University, in collaboration with J.A.E. Camps ofm, and using local informants. The chief informants here were: Kirilmo, Uwo and Hanoma.

Description: The occasion of this film was the official visit to Wamena of Ibu Tien, the wife of President Suharto of Indonesia. The visit was to mark the official start of 'Operasi Koteka' ('koteka': the name of the gourd worn by men in another area). Operasi Koteka was originally developed to speed the rapid development of the highlands of West Irian and other places only recently introduced to the civilized world. The operation, under control of the military, directs its attention to the development of agriculture, animal husbandry, hygiene and living conditions, inducing the people to wear clothes and to a number of other concerns. The visit of the Ibu Tien to Wamena is shown on the film from her arrival, accompanied by a number of ambassadors' wives and government ministers' wives, to her departure after about a 22 hour stay. Pictured are the large numbers of dignitaries in attendance and the school children lining the path to the KPPD school (a Task Force Project), where she gave a speech about the aims of Operasi Koteka. A speech was also given by the Governor. These were translated for the children assembled to receive clothes as part of the ceremonies. Following this the visitors were taken to a reception where they were given remembrances of their visit and where each was introduced to the crowd. Traditional dances were held outside this reception and indeed, throughout the visit of the Ibu Tien. A great number of people participated in and observed this official beginning of Operasi Koteka in the Baliem Valley. Persons: 1) Government dignitaries and military persons, 2) Ibu Tien, wife of President Suharto, 3) Governor of West Irian, Fr. Kaisiepo, 4) Bupati for Wamena, A. Karma, 5) K.P.S. for Wamena, Sakari, 6) Mission Sisters, 7) Wife of Dutch Ambassador, 8) Wives of various ambassadors and government ministers accompanying Ibu Tien. Description prepared by Larry L. Naylor, Southern Illinois University.

For a detailed description of the ima wusan ritual, see Ima Wusan I (Camps 9) and Ima Wusan II (Camps 10). Ima Wusan III: Poles made of two branches tied together at the top are placed on cabins. Pigs are shot and a fire is made. A strip of barren land [outside the village]. At one end a fire is made, at the other end is water. Halfway a gate made of two branches bound together is put up. The men stand on both sides of the strip and lift one leg. A burning branch is passed under their feet. Short branches with leaves are made into rods. A man, carrying a stick over his right shoulder, plunges the rod into the water at the end of the strip. People walk through the gate (first the men, then the women) and have their legs and hands wiped by the wet rod. The man touches the heads of children by hand as well. Then the men and women have a line drawn on the sternum and the right buttock. The film ends at the fire in the village.